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Xiao Jiansheng is the author of Chinese History Revisited, a political and social history of China. The book has been banned in China, but was published in Hong Kong by New Century Media, coming out in September 2009. Since then, it has sold more than 16,000 copies. Xiao works as a journalist for Hunan Daily News in Changsha covering stocks and economics. This chat took place in Hong Kong on a recent visit by Xiao. Your book does not challenge the legitimacy of the Chinese government and party, but it was banned in China. Why? The main thesis of the book is that China, throughout its long history, was most prosperous when it had a pluralistic society, and often divided into smaller states and kingdoms. This division allowed competing ideas and cultures to flourish. In comparison, when China has been united into a single state under one dynasty, the Chinese people have tended to suffer more. This is because the power of the central government is virtually unlimited, and the rights of the people suffer as a result. The state becomes strong under this strong centralist model. The prevailing officially-supported view now is that China can only become strong when it is united under one strong central government, and that this is especially necessary now if China is going to become a leading global power. My book was first published in China in late 2006. It was, as is normal, allowed for a two-month commentary period before final distribution at a Beijing book fair when it would be released. During this period, I was informed that the book would not be distributed. Since the book had already been printed, I had 60 copies which I kept and distributed among friends. They read the book and liked it. Eventually a copy found its way to New Century Media; I spoke with the publisher and reached agreement, and it was published in Hong Kong. Have you been affected by the book's publication in Hong Kong? No. I continue to work as a journalist covering the stock market and economics for my newspaper. How did you come to your thesis about Chinese history? And how did you decide to write a book about it? I grew up during the Cultural Revolution, so I missed university. In the eighties, I began to question the concept of class struggle, and the Marxist division of society into capitalists and the proletariat. So I decided to start reading as much as I could on the subject. Since I did not go to university, I was free to read whatever I wanted, and I focused on the push for constitutional government in the early 20th century, especially during the Republican period. I wanted to understand why these multiple efforts at reform failed. I did this study in my free time, and since I was poor, like many Chinese at the time, I would go to bookstores, and hand-copy what many of the books' authors wrote in my own notes. In most Chinese histories, China is portrayed as being torn apart and weak when it is divided into competing states, and only strong when it was unified under one emperor, such as Qin Shihuang, the first emperor to unify China. As much as I could, I went to primary sources so that I could understand the true original conditions at the time. Gradually, a new picture emerged: the period when China was divided into competing states such as the Spring and Autumn period, the Warring States period, and the Southern and Northern Dynasties period were all periods of unprecedented growth in the arts, history, culture and commerce for the Chinese. There were many competing religions and philosophies which vied for influence in the court and throughout the country. Some emperors were intellectuals, historians, artists and even monks. When it came to the rights of Chinese as individuals, they enjoyed more prosperity and rights during these periods. In contrast, when China was unified under one dynasty, as first happened under the emperor Qin Shihuang of the Qin dynasty, the power of the emperor and dynasty knew virtually no limits, and the rights of the people suffered. This was because unlike in the west, there was no true feudalism in China, where the power of the kings was checked by the landed gentry and the church. All power and property was directly held by the emperor, and his influence was exercised throughout China by the bureaucracy. As I learned more, I decided to write a book about my views starting in the eighties. It would be fair to say that this book was twenty years in the making. My questions about the official views of history deepened, and I wanted to understand why China, and Chinese society, developed the way it did. I questioned the division of the world's ideologies into capitalism and socialsm; since capital is money, why should there be an -ism to it?
I wrote the book to be read by Chinese, so that I could present my view on Chinese history, and to show that pluralism in society was what was best for Chinese. I hope that it provides some insights for my readers, and that others can build on my views. Most historians say that the Tang Dynasty was the best in Chinese history, but you suggest that it was the Song Dynasty. Why? The strength of the Song Dynasty was also its weakness. Unlike many other dynasties, its emperors rejected collective punishment of whole families, choosing instead to punish criminal individuals. Chinese commerce experienced unprecedented growth in this period, with many Chinese business people based in Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia and traveling back and forth to China. The population experienced strong growth. Chinese culture, in contrast to political power, expanded. During this period, China was divided, as there was the Northern Song and Southern Song dynasties. This is another example of how the Chinese people benefited from pluralism. This ended in 1279, when the Song was replaced by the Mongolian's Yuan dynasty. Since then, all of the dynasties, down to modern times, have attempted to unify China under the strong centralist model, and the rights of the Chinese people have suffered as a result. Turning to modern times, you cover economics and stocks. How do you feel about China's economic development? Are you optimistic about the future? Many western observers don't understand China's economic development. The cost of economic development for the Chinese government is low because the property rights of Chinese are very limited. For instance, the government can take over a piece of land, force the current people out, give them housing, and develop it into whatever it wants at very little cost. This is because the government controls the creation of capital, and the property rights of the people are limited. For the Chinese government, the costs and risks of modernization and development are very limited because they have all been shifted to the people. Moreover, China has a population of 1.3 billion people, so the risk can be spread wider. For the most part, Chinese will not rebel unless they can't eat, and the government has been very good at insuring that their basic needs are met. So far, the Chinese government has done a good job at steadily improving the living standards of Chinese. I believe that China can continue on this course of development for at least fifty more years. This is something which western societies simply cannot do. Even if they took away the property rights of the people, and lowered the costs of infrastructure development, they don't have as large a population base to support this kind of development. This is what makes China unique. How do you feel about revolutionary change? Revolutionary change is not good. The people suffer, but the politicians are unaffected. You have talked about transitioning Chinese from being subjects to citizens. How can this be done? This can be done by gradually building a more pluralistic society where the property rights and freedoms of individuals are respected. These rights need to be enshrined in the law. Are there plans to publish the book in an English edition? The book was written for a Chinese audience. If there is enough interest among a non-Chinese audience, that is something which can be explored.
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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) censors could not tolerate Xiao's historical perspective, which differs so dramatically from the Party's. In the Party's highly distorted version of history, China was supposedly mired in feudalism for thousands of years--until rescued from feudalism (and imperialism, the other bugaboo) by none other than the CCP. What most serious scholars of Chinese history and culture who do not toe the Party line understand, however, is that China's imperial dynastic governments from the Qin (founded 221BCE) on down were highly centralized bureaucratic regimes in which local officials were appointed by the central imperial court. This entirely different from a decentralized feudal political order in which local officials would be appointed by a regional feudal lord rather than by a monarch or an emperor. It is only in the pre-Qin Zhou dynasty (11th-3rd century BCE) when a decentralized social order that could be characterized as "feudal" existed as a representative form of Chinese governance. The CCP claims that the more highly centralized China's government is--such as the small group of old Party oligarchs in the Standing Committee of the CCP's Politburo making nearly all the important decisions--the better. By deriding its centralized imperial dynastic forbears as "feudal," the Party can seem to look more modern, when in fact it is following the old imperial Chinese tradition of highly centralized authoritarian rule. |
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